Data never dies. A good researcher or analyst updates and upgrades the relevance of data. That is what I do, that makes me sound ‘’prophetic’’ to some of you. To update and upgrade data, you must have form grip on the initial data. Below is what I wrote in Part 1:
To answer some questions on my predictions, let me establish the antecedent data. The 1st Republic and 2nd Republic elections of 1960 and 1969 were rigged. The purest post-colonial election to date is the 1979 elections. I will use the 2nd round as the foundational data.
|Source: Legon Observer 13th July 1979 & Elections in Ghana by Alex Frempong|
Source: Legon Observer 13th July 1979 & Elections in Ghana by Alex Frempong
I can write a whole book on the 1979 elections, but today I focus on the key points in the 2 tables.
Owusu, one of the most eminent Asante lawyers and a descendant of Anokye, a co-founder of Asante polled only 57.4% of the vote. At the peak of Asante nationalism, the NLM also got only 57% in 1956.
Hilla Limann, a hardly known Northerner, polled 88.4% in Volta. Really? Yes. Ewes rejected Victor. You do not insult a people and expect them to vote for you. In the 1st round Paa Willie, Nana’s uncle won in 5 constituencies: Some-Aflao (Ketu-South), Anlo, Keta, Avenor and Biakoye. Paa Willie won in only 4 seats in ER. All these 5 areas voted Limann in the 2nd rounds.
It did not start with Paa Willie ooh! Danquah and the UP won in only 2 constituencies in the rigged 1960 elections. Do you know those seats? Anlo South and Ho West.
When the Progress Party came to power in 1969, what did Busia and Owusu do the Ewes who gave UP victory in 2 constituencies? They ravaged them. Paa Willie, noted for his great humility was not part of the inexplicable anti-Ewe agenda of Busia’s team. The Ewes knew this, and it showed in 1979.
Instead of following in the stead of his uncle and great uncle, Nana decided to go the ‘’Victor’’ way.
Look at what happened in the recent registration exercise? Victor regretted and Nana will regret.
Dramani, the most casual President of Ghana upset the Ewes by marginalising them in his government. I do not know what he thought he was doing. As a result, many Ewes both in VR and in the ‘’diaspora’’ did not vote in 2016. This presented Nana with the best chance to break NDC’s hold on Ewes building on the historical link between his family and the Ewes. What did he do? He unnecessarily antagonised Ewes and mobilised them for John Mahama. What a genius is this Nana guy?
Ewes are the most organised political ethnic group – no close 2nd. But that is not all. Gird your loins.
Ewes form 14% of Ghana’s population and Asantes 16%. Of this 14%, only 6% live in VR. The remaining 8% are diasporas across southern Ghana. The 8% represents the whole Ga population and 50% of all Asantes. Ewes are the 2nd largest group in every region in southern Ghana. That gives the NDC a solid foundation nationwide. NDC wins because of Ewes in the ‘’diaspora’’ not because of Ewes in VR.
Ewes rejection of NPP is not because they hate Akans. They voted for Danquah and Paa Willie. It is not because Rawlings was one of them. They voted 88.4% for Limann who was not one of them. It is because of bad behaviour of Busia and Owusu. What one man does wrongly, another man can undo rightly. Nana, the best person to correct the error has failed and will suffer the same fate as Owusu.
Let us continue to update and upgrade the data: 1992 & 1996 elections focusing on Ashanti and Volta
NDC and NPP shared 88.7% of votes between them in 1992. By 1996, that figure has risen to 97.2%. the minor parties’ column collapsed and almost all the votes went to NPP. Especially in Ashanti, NDC votes remained the same and NPP collected all the votes that went to the minor parties in 1992. For the 1st time in the history of free & fair elections, the NPP tradition got almost 2/3 of Ashanti votes.
Up till 1996, why has the NPP tradition struggled to have the same dominance in Ashanti as their opponents in Volta?
Ashanti is the 2nd most cosmopolitan and urbanised region after Greater Accra. Probably no more than 2/3 of residents are Asantes. The more cosmopolitan a city or region is, the less the effect of indigenous vote. Accra is an example. Secondly, Asantes themselves are not politically homogenous. Even with the emergence of NLM, Nkrumah was able to get 43% of the popular vote in 1956.
If PNP and unknown Limann could within a year poll 62% nationwide, 88.4% in Volta and 43% in Ashanti, why was it not believable to some that Rawlings could get 58.3% nationwide, 93.2% in Volta and 32.8% in Ashanti. So, why did Nana lead the boycott of the 1992 Parliamentary elections?
My conclusion in this segment is that, the base share of NPP’s vote in Ashanti is in the mid-60s and that of NDC in Volta is in the late 80s. I predict, 65.5% & 33% for NPP & NDC respectively in Ashanti. I also predict 88% & 10% for NDC & NPP respectively in Volta. >75% NPP votes in Ashanti are rigged.
|Table 1||TURN-OUT (TO) STATISTICS & VOTE COUNT (VC) 1st and 2nd rounds|
|Regions/TO + VC||TO 1st round %||TO 2nd round %||TO Diff 2nd-1st|
|Ashanti||73.6||(1 677 285)||83.3||(1 918 569)||9.7|
|Volta||67.1||(664 888)||73.1||(733 072)||6|
|National||69.5||(8 465 834)||72.9||(9 001 478)||3.4|
|Table 2||VOTE COUNT IN ASHANTI & VOLTA FOR NPP & NDC|
|Regions/constituencies||2008 1st round votes||2008 2nd round votes||2nd round -1st round|
|Ashanti NDC||438 243||479 633||41 390|
|Ashanti NPP||1 214 350||1 438 820||224 470|
|Volta NDC||551 046||630 899||79 853|
|Volta NPP||99 584||102 173||2 589|
|Table 3||TOP 4 (WINNING) VOTE COUNT & TURN-OUT IN ASHANTI FOR NPP|
|VC 1st rnd||VC 2nd rnd||Diff 2nd -1st||TO 1st rnd||TO 2nd rnd||Diff 2nd -1st|
|Nhyaeiso||37 043||54 545||17 502||72.0||98.3||26.3|
|Manhyia||66 116||95 281||29 165||71.5||95.7||24.2|
|Suame||47 768||67 790||20 022||70.4||94.7||24.3|
|Bantama||40 493||56 227||15 734||70.9||93.8||22.9|
|Table 4||TOP 4 (WINNING) VOTE COUNT & TURN-OUT IN VOLTA FOR NDC|
|VC 1st rnd||VC 2nd rnd||Diff 2nd -1st||TO 1st rnd||TO 2nd rnd||Diff 2nd -1st|
|Nth Tongu||26 356||31 636||5280||71.3||82.9||11.6|
|Keta||28 864||33 693||4829||72.3||82.6||10.3|
|Ho East||21 168||26 605||5437||67.4||80.9||13.5|
|KETU STH||56 484||68959||12475||62.5||73.9||11.4|
All 4 tables are from ‘’Quo Vadis Sikaman’’ 13th July 2020 and authored by Nii Amu Darko
I know some do not like tables and things that look mathematical. The summary is to help this group.
- Ashanti TO increased by an amazing 9.7% (almost 3x) that of national TO of 3.4%. Volta’s increased by 6%, less than 2x the national TO. Volta’s TO of 73.1 is consistent with the national TO of 72.9. Ashanti’s 83.3% is way beyond the national TO of 73.1. Something is wrong.
- Nana gained 224470 votes in Ashanti, while Mills got 79853 in Volta. Mills got 41390 votes in Ashanti, more than half of his votes in Volta. Every vote counts in Presidential elections.
- Increase in 4 constituencies in Ashanti neutralized the entire increase in Volta. Watch Ashanti!
- Increase in Manhyia alone neutralized the top 4 increases in Volta. I say, watch Ashanti again.
- No constituency in Ghana’s history has recorded TO of more than 85%, except in Ashanti in
2008 (2) where 8 recorded more than 85% and 5 more than 90%. Shame on Ashanti NPP.
From 1992 to 2016, NPP share of vote in Ashanti has increased by whooping 15.2% (75.7-60.5). No region comes even close 2nd. In fact, NDC’s share in Volta has dropped in the same period from 93.2 to 82.5 or 10.7%. Mind you, Limann got 88.4% in Volta in 1979, so what is rigging if another candidate gets 82.5% or even 90% in 2016? Meanwhile Owusu got 57% in Ashanti in 1979, so it is statistically worrying if Akufo-Addo gets 75% in 2016. NDC be extra vigilant in Ashanti and the game will be over.
I call Election 2020 for NDC. Data never dies.
Tswa omanye aba.
Nii Amu Darko
1st December 2020
My last article before Election 2020– Free Boarding SHS: Obscene elitization of Education in Ghana.
Opinion: Dr. Nii Amu Darko